The book is a true scholarly work on the incident and on the socio-political scene of Southern Tamilnadu. The government reported that a total of 120 villages were affected by this violence. He refers to the editorial, titled “Stop the rot”, in The Hindu of September 22, 1957: “It is difficult to believe that the flare-up is wholly spontaneous….”. Chettikurichi Pin code. The hatred for each other during the last two months resulted in a number of clashes between these two parties and was responsible for creating tension in this taluk.”, An analysis of the pattern of the conflagrations in the book indicates that the murder of Immanuel Sekaran “did not evoke any organised protest from the Dalit community [immediately]” since the caste violence “had been fierce with battles involving Thevars on one side and Pallars and Nadars on the other”. He makes a sincere attempt to set the record straight, plug the gaps in the narratives, and present the raw documented facts, which many historians failed to do for reasons best known to them. Chettikurichi Village Map. But most of the works have been written from a caste perspective. This year more than 5 were shot dead during the same day and Emergency was placed in those districts. Readers who have been part of this journey are our source of strength. Prime members enjoy unlimited free, fast delivery on eligible items, video streaming, ad-free music, exclusive access to deals & more. Immanuel Sekaran was a prominent social reformer and freedom fighter. The following day Immanuel was killed. Panikkar, convened a peace meeting at Mudukulathur on September 10, 1957, which was attended by Muthuramalinga Thevar and his men, Perumal Peter and Immanuel Sekaran, and Veluchamy Nadar, a representative of the Nadar caste. Enter your mobile number or email address below and we'll send you a link to download the free Kindle App. An upsurge could be seen among the Pallars in the 1940s and the 1950s. It was followed by anti-Dalit violence in the villages of Nadunalumuthalikkinaru, Kodiyankulam and Sankaralingapuram (in Tuticorin district in the late 1990s); the murder of Murugesan, a Dalit panchayat president, in Melavalavu in Madurai (2000); the struggle of elected presidents to assume office in the reserved village panchayats of Pappapatti, Keeripatti and Nattamangalam, all in Madurai (2000); the arson and looting at the Natham Dalit colony near Dharmapuri following an inter-caste marriage (2008); and the murder of Shankar, a Dalit youth, following his inter-caste marriage, at Udumalpet town (2017). Education and Politics in Tamil Nadu, 1952 - 55, Tamil Characters: Personalities, Politics, Culture, Unloved In Love: The Story of Imperfect People. Muthuramalinga Thevar questioned the participation of Immanuel Sekaran, saying that “he [Muthuramalinga Thevar] was the sole representative of both Thevars and Pallars”. Chettikurichi Schools and colleges . Manikumar says that his arrest “caused no major law and order problem” and adds that “by the second week of October, the violence has abated”. It is on record, Sir, that Sri Muthuramalinga Thevar who attended the Conference questioned the leadership of one Sri Emmanuel, Leader of the Local Depressed Classes League, who was representing the Harijans, Sri Thevar is reported to have asked Emmanuel whether he could pose as a Leader of the same stature as Sri Thevar, and whether his assurances on behalf of the Harijans were worth having." Girl in White Cotton (Burnt Sugar): Shortlisted for the Booker Prize 2020, Backstage: The Story Behind India’s High Growth Years, The Time Machine : Illustrated abridged Classics (Om Illustrated Classics). The antagonism between the two caste groups was not restricted to the social realm; economic factors also played a crucial role. Until the turn of the 20th century, the Thevars, whom the author says were “prisoners of their own predilections”, were dominant in East Ramanathapuram, and the government was virtually non-existent. K.A. Quoting from the minutes of the peace meeting, the author says that Muthuramalinga Thevar had accused Nadars of distributing firearms to “Harijans and Nadars to destroy the Thevar community”. Get GST invoice and save up to 28% on business purchases. After the 1957 general elections, it became more or less a case of personal enmity between Muthuramalinga Thevar and Kamaraj, which percolated down to the party cadre and to members of the caste. The material sourced by the author, including the peace document, has helped him substantiate his claim that there was more to the riots than meets the eye. This seemingly caused a shift in the political and caste symmetry in the region. Get full access to 22 years old archives. The Ramanathapuram Collector, C.V.R. Although the narration lacks lucidity, with repetitions and casual editing that obstruct the reading experience, it is without doubt a valuable work on the Mudukulathur riots. Unable to add item to Wish List. Copyright © 2021, THG PUBLISHING PVT LTD. 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Shanta (1927-2021), doyen of cancer care, passes away, Book Review: K.A. (P. Kakkan, a Dalit leader, was a Minister in the Kamaraj government then.) To get the free app, enter mobile phone number. Move smoothly between articles as our pages load instantly. To calculate the overall star rating and percentage breakdown by star, we don’t use a simple average. Chettikurichi population.Chettikurichi is a Village in Manur Block in Tirunelveli District of Tamil Nadu State . Manikumar says that the purpose of his study is not to evaluate the two personalities involved, Muthuramalinga Thevar and K. Kamaraj, but to narrate the sequence of developments leading to the caste conflagration of 1957. Order delivery tracking to your doorstep is available. IT is quite paradoxical that a socially progressive State such as Tamil Nadu should have a long and despicable track record of discriminatory practices against Dalits. The Tyranny of Merit: What’s Become of the Common Good? In-depth analysis of issues and events in India and around the world. After viewing product detail pages, look here to find an easy way to navigate back to pages you are interested in. The violence was triggered by the legislative assembly by-election, following U. Muthuramalinga Thevar's resignation. Migration and, to an extent, religious conversion enabled them to gain access to employment and education. However, he adds that “[Muthuramalinga] Thevar’s actions after Independence wiped clean his nationalist legacy”. The S. Venkateshwaran one-man commission of inquiry exonerated the police. A well-researched attempt to document the social conflict, the book traces the history of the Mudukulathur riots. Manikumar explains how Kamaraj initiated countermeasures that steadily eroded the Thevar support base. On the other hand, the Thevars remained backward in education and, as noted in a Government Order (G.O.) In 1952 the Congress came to power and in 1957, it returned to power amid the emergence of regional parties, mainly the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). Here again, dalit leaders didnâ€™t act in support of their community, but maintain good relations with Christian clergy and Church leaders. They first mobilised under the leadership of Perumal Peter and then Immanuel Sekaran and his Depressed Class Youth League, besides getting “identified politically with the ruling Congress party”. It is a long journey indeed. Manikumar argues that it was imperative for the Congress and its Chief Minister K. Kamaraj (since 1957), a Nadar by caste, to break the Thevar domination in East Ramanathapuram, where tensions between Thevars and Pallars had been simmering since 1955. Panikkar, convened a peace meeting at Mudukulathur on September 10, 1957, which was attended by Muthuramalinga Thevar and his men, Perumal Peter and Immanuel Sekaran, and Veluchamy Nadar, a representative of the Nadar caste. September 11th, Immanuvel’s death anniversary is an important day for Pallars; more than 50,000 from all parts of the state assemble at his memorial in Paramakudi town. Thevar Jayanthi is just one of the few things that is happening around us. There was also an informal agreement with the Communist Party of India, which did not oppose the CRC. The murder of Immanuel Sekaran, though it had “conscientised the Pallars about their rights”, could not be termed as “the” reason behind the clashes, says the author. October 30th is the birth anniversary of Muthuramalinga T and is a celebrated as ‘Thevar Thirunal’ (Thevar fest) in … It is also true that in this surcharged environment, genuine and objective works of a few writers and historians have been distorted and sometimes even dismissed as being “casteist”. Watch Queue Queue. However, there was no one to guide and organise them properly. Dalit assertion today is growing, with a new breed of educated and economically empowered Dalits, including a tiny group of radical Ambedkarites, active in the social and literary arenas, besides engaging themselves in grass-roots-level activism. It is against this backdrop that any writing on sensitive issues such as the Mudukulathur riots, including Manikumar’s book under review, has to be viewed. Scholarly account of not just the incident but also about caste politics in TN. The Thevars remember the riots as “state violence,” unleashed by the then Congress government led by K. Kamaraj, to destroy the esteem their leader, Muthuramalinga Thevar, enjoyed among the members of his caste and the caste’s dominance in the region. However, in a later chapter, he acknowledges that “the Pallar retaliation was certainly due to the work of Immanuel Sekaran”. The Nadars accused the Thevars of organising a boycott of Nadar shops. Assigned to every device is a label that can be used to track its location. © 1996-2020, Amazon.com, Inc. or its affiliates. After Mudukulathur, the major act of Dalit assertion resulting in violent flare-ups happened in Bodinayakkanur in today’s Theni district in Tamil Nadu in the 1980s. in 1957, were not able to “reconcile [themselves] to the present democratic conditions and cannot believe that the feudal system is vanishing fast”. Please try again. It created a deep chasm between the two communities which is only worsening year after year mainly due to votebank politics. Then you can start reading Kindle books on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required. He argues that the differences between the two political parties, the All India Forward Bloc, led by Muthuramalinga Thevar, and the Congress, led by Kamaraj, were the main source of the hatred between the Thevars and the Pallars and between the Nadars and the Thevars. However, Manikumar says that Kamaraj was not innocent. The PILs sought ban on processions by political parties and other outfits to pay homage to political leaders Since political leaders are often seen as icons of their caste community, I had to identify every person who played a part.”. Avail No Cost EMI on select cards for orders above ₹3000, 5% Instant discount with HSBC Cashback card. To continue enjoying Frontline, you can turn off your adblocker or subscribe to Frontline digital. Even while the real economy remains in contractionary mode, not only have stock market returns exploded but India’s stock of foreign exchange reserves registered record-breaking increases in the April-September 2020 period mainly because expenditure, rather unusually, fell short of receipts in the current account. You're listening to a sample of the Audible audio edition. In the peace conference organized by the local administration, Muthuramalinga Thevar objected to the presence of Immanuel Sekaran as a Dalit representative. Drawing on a vast amount of primary sources, the author narrates the sequence of events leading to the caste conflagration of 1957, and its political and social fallout. Immanuvel Sekaran Memorial Day, when the listed caste people of Tamilnadu come together at the Paramakudi to pay homage. The Mudukulathur riots in the east Ramanathapuram region are not only significant in the sociopolitical milieu of Tamil Nadu’s political discourse but remain an emotive issue for the two major caste groups of the region—the Thevars, a dominant land-owning group comprising the most backward castes of Kallars, Maravars and Agamudaiyars (together known as Mukkulathors), and the Pallars, a predominant Dalit sub-caste. But it has heavy ramifications on the current socio-political situation of TN. His observation that “conflict in any society is often an outcome of political, social and economical change” sets the tone and tenor of his work. The COVID-19-induced lockdown and the absolute necessity for human beings to maintain a physical distance from one another in order to contain the pandemic has changed our lives in unimaginable ways. “Astute he was, his tactics to handle Muthuramalinga Thevar politically bore fruit. To pay by cash, place cash on top of the delivery box and step back. Many have written well-researched volumes on the riots and its repercussions, both in Tamil and English. Subscribe to The Frontline now and get unlimited access. In his concluding chapter, the author says that there was no immediate reaction to the murder as “it would take time to germinate”. For Pay-on-Delivery orders, we recommend paying using Credit card/Debit card/Netbanking via the pay-link sent via SMS at the time of delivery. It made them aware of their socially and constitutionally guaranteed rights to dignity and livelihood, and they began asserting themselves. You have reached your limit for free articles this month. Enjoy reading as many articles as you wish without any limitations. Ramanathapuram District is an administrative district of Tamil Nadu state in southern India.The city of Ramanathapuram is the district headquarters. The author also refers to the editorial in The Hindu of October 12, 1957: “It seems that the recent troubles are not solely of communal origin and that political differences dating from the first general elections and intensified by the recent byelection in Mudukulathur have been also responsible.” The Hindu, in fact, had demanded a judicial inquiry into the riots. By then, the animosity between Muthuramalinga Thevar and Kamaraj had become intense. This video is unavailable. Exploiting the volatile situation, the then Congress party and Kamaraj set off a series of political manoeuvres that dislodged the Thevars from their dominant position. With support from Pallars and Nadars, the Congress even increased its vote share in the region after the 1957 elections, although it could not post a win against Muthuramalinga Thevar. Ramanathapuram District is an administrative district of Tamil Nadu state in southern India.The city of Ramanathapuram is the district headquarters. The dominance of Muthuramalinga Thevar and his All India Forward Bloc in East Ramanathapuram district and the Rajaji-led Congress Reform Committee, a breakaway faction of the Congress, which supported Muthuramalinga Thevar, was an embarrassment to the Congress. The first two general elections (in 1952 and 1957), he writes, witnessed a gradual shift in the people’s political preference. Since the Mudukulathur riots and the murder of the Dalit leader Immanuel Sekaran (September 11, 1957) at Paramakudi town in Ramanathapuram district and the gory incident in Keezhvenmani in Thanjavur district in which 44 Dalit agricultural workers were burnt to death (December 25, 1968), Dalits have been asserting themselves against feudalistic forces. Not just this, we also had to deal with the regular annual challenges such as the Thiyagi Immanuvel Sekaran Memorial Day at Paramakudi, and the Pasumpon Muthuramalinga Thevar Guru Puja at Pasumpon which were totally incident-free. One day brief read on the happening and preset of Thiyagi Immanuvel Sekaran murder and riots that followed. The author K.A. The incident had happened in the 1950s. Amazon directly manages delivery for this product. In the 1930s, with the help of Christian missionaries, Dalits got educated and subsequently became economically empowered. Their assertions took the shape of a movement after educated leaders started emerging from within. Two kinds of violence were on display in Ramanathapuram—the violence of the dominant class and the violence of the oppressed.” He says that the former’s was to subjugate the oppressed while the latter’s was to uphold the dignity of life. Manikumar details how the incidents unfolded and resulted in one of the worst riots Tamil Nadu has ever witnessed. Subscribing to the online edition, I am confident, will make it mutually beneficial. A must read for people wanting to understand TN's society and politics, casteist groups and their deep hatred for an equal and democratic society, and role of police and administration in bringing back the normalcy during such situations. Most people have only the vaguest notion of a layer of identification that is quite distinct from IP Addresses. September 11th, Immanuvel’s death anniversary is an important day for Pallars; more than 50,000 from all parts of the state assemble at his memorial in Paramakudi town. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. Manikumar is careful not to romanticise the issue, being fully aware of the need to make an honest assessment as it has the potential to influence sociopolitical narratives in Tamil Nadu and draw flak from casteist elements that are perennially in denial mode and refuse to view the past with a historical perspective. His determination won the appreciation of those who had been disillusioned with the disruptive politics of Thevar.” At the same time, he takes pains to refute the allegation that Kamaraj instigated the Pallars against the Thevars in order to safeguard the Nadar community. Unlimited FREE fast delivery, video streaming & more. N. Ram, Chairman, THG Publishing Private Limited, who spoke on the occasion, said: “The author should be praised for providing a critical historical account of what happened in 1957 and for treading a difficult ground as it could lead to a reaction.” The author has anchored his arguments in archived records, quoting extensively from various sources, especially the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly’s debates and notes on the failed no-confidence motion moved against the then Congress government, to explain the politics behind the clashes. In the years following the riots both communities have used the memory of Mudukulathur for political mobilisation, and the event continues to have strong resonance in contemporary politics. No customer signatures are required at the time of delivery. A contemporary of Dr. Ambedkar, he was a Dalit leader who fought against caste discrimination and untouchability in southern Tamil Nadu. Your recently viewed items and featured recommendations, Select the department you want to search in. The resources needed to keep up the good work that Frontline has been doing for the past 35 years and more are immense. A few others are Sri. As the distribution of printed copies is unlikely to resume any time soon, Frontline will come to you only through the digital platform until the return of normality. Immanuvel Sekaran Yar Kolaiyanathu Eppadi Yaral Etharkaga #ImmanuvelSekaran #MuthuramalingaThevar #Muthukulathur. Muthuramalinga Thevar’s followers believed that Kamaraj had betrayed their leader since they believed it was he who helped Kamaraj enter Madras provincial politics in the 1930s and launch his political career. Manikumar quotes from G.O. 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The violence was triggered by the legislative assembly by-election, following U. Muthuramalinga Thevar's resignation. No.45 (MS), Public (General-A), (Confidential), Department, 11, September 1958: “[Muthuramalinga] Thevar abused Immanuel Sekaran as a man of straw and questioned his audacity to sit with him on equal terms as a leader.” Muthuramalinga Thevar left the meeting after chiding his followers for allowing “Immanuel to talk back to him”; the developments eventually culminated in his murder. The document pointed out that the general election and the subsequent Mudukulathur byelection “have created a lot of misunderstanding between the Forward Bloc and the Congress parties. Media reports said the student was murdered as a result of posters denigrating Muthuramalinga Thevar, put up by dalits. The police firing at Keelathooval village, which resulted in the death of five Thevar men on September 14, 1957, “was the outcome of the government’s determination to adopt a tough stand against Thevars”, according to Manikumar. The murder of Immanuel Sekaran precipitated the situation. While Thevars remember it for the state violence, Pallars not only recollect it for the upper-caste violence, but also as an instance of their brave resistance. The leaders brought all caste-based atrocities to the notice of the state. The political developments had a direct bearing on the clashes involving Pallars and Thevars on the one hand and Nadars and Thevars on the other in East Ramanathapuram. Memories of the Mudukulathur riots have been moulded to perpetuate and intensify caste conflict in the region ever since. 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